Saturday, February 23, 2013

America Is a White Supremacist Nation, and Always Has Been. . . for Several Good Reasons


The Declaration of Independence states, inter alia:

"We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness."

While all men are declared equal under this statement, it is nevertheless a declaration of the independence of one group of men from that of another for the purpose of self-determination, and the group declaring its independence was a group of White men who threw in their lot together to stand against all others.

The fundamental right to life includes the right and duty to safeguard White DNA and preserve Whites from miscegenation across generations, thereby securing the rights of our ancestors and our current generation from the loss of their White DNA down through the generations including our descendants. The diversification of America to include non-Whites threatens the right to life by creating a diversity of blood loyalties leading to national dissensions which favor non-White life over White life both domestically and globally.

The fundamental right of liberty includes the right to eliminate a criminally prone class of non-Whites whose behaviors provoke a State response to diminish the liberties of Whites who do not generally so act as to prompt the revocation of liberty. It includes the right to self-determination from non-Whites, whose cultures and traditions deviate from ours and subvert our notions of liberty.

The fundamental right to the pursuit of happiness incorporates of necessity the preservation of cultural exclusivity and decency, traditionally accepted standards of societal etiquette, etc. It secures the self interests of Whites against the encroachment of non-Whites through the unequal burden non-Whites place on the State and society by failing to perform to the standards Whites achieve, thereby placing an unnecessary and unwanted yoke on the necks of Whites.

The Preamble to the Constitution of the United States declares:

"We the People of the United States, in Order to form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America."

A heterogeneous society discourages domestic tranquility, produced the Civil War, permits the jews to subvert our nation in an unjust manner through disproportionate influence that defeats our common defense rendering it the Esau slave soldier the jews have sought for 2,500 years; defeats the general welfare by, among other means, allowing the jews to control our banking and money supply mechanism placing Whites in a usurious debt cycle which the jews have sought for 2,500 years to control the World; allows the jews to subvert our liberties through their participation in our political and public opinion institutions. Therefore, the Constitution is not consistent with non-White and anti-White influence and citizenship.

The arguments leading to the Constitution, and the traditions including the Magna Carta, recognize only Whites as citizens. The Magna Carta recognized the fact that jews were hostile to Whites and used usury to destroy Whites' rights to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness:

"10. If one who has borrowed from the Jews any sum, great or small, die before that loan be repaid, the debt shall not bear interest while the heir is under age, of whomsoever he may hold; and if the debt fall into our hands, we will not take anything except the principal sum contained in the bond.

11. And if anyone die indebted to the Jews, his wife shall have her dower and pay nothing of that debt; and if any children of the deceased are left under age, necessaries shall be provided for them in keeping with the holding of the deceased; and out of the residue the debt shall be paid, reserving, however, service due to feudal lords; in like manner let it be done touching debts due to others than Jews."

The Federalist Papers, at No. 54, did not consider Blacks "men", but rather partial property, partial human, and not citizens:

"To the People of the State of New York:

THE next view which I shall take of the House of Representatives relates to the appointment of its members to the several States which is to be determined by the same rule with that of direct taxes. It is not contended that the number of people in each State ought not to be the standard for regulating the proportion of those who are to represent the people of each State. The establishment of the same rule for the appointment of taxes, will probably be as little contested; though the rule itself in this case, is by no means founded on the same principle. In the former case, the rule is understood to refer to the personal rights of the people, with which it has a natural and universal connection.

In the latter, it has reference to the proportion of wealth, of which it is in no case a precise measure, and in ordinary cases a very unfit one. But notwithstanding the imperfection of the rule as applied to the relative wealth and contributions of the States, it is evidently the least objectionable among the practicable rules, and had too recently obtained the general sanction of America, not to have found a ready preference with the convention. All this is admitted, it will perhaps be said; but does it follow, from an admission of numbers for the measure of representation, or of slaves combined with free citizens as a ratio of taxation, that slaves ought to be included in the numerical rule of representation? Slaves are considered as property, not as persons. They ought therefore to be comprehended in estimates of taxation which are founded on property, and to be excluded from representation which is regulated by a census of persons. This is the objection, as I understand it, stated in its full force. I shall be equally candid in stating the reasoning which may be offered on the opposite side. 'We subscribe to the doctrine,' might one of our Southern brethren observe, 'that representation relates more immediately to persons, and taxation more immediately to property, and we join in the application of this distinction to the case of our slaves. But we must deny the fact, that slaves are considered merely as property, and in no respect whatever as persons. The true state of the case is, that they partake of both these qualities: being considered by our laws, in some respects, as persons, and in other respects as property. In being compelled to labor, not for himself, but for a master; in being vendible by one master to another master; and in being subject at all times to be restrained in his liberty and chastised in his body, by the capricious will of another, the slave may appear to be degraded from the human rank, and classed with those irrational animals which fall under the legal denomination of property. In being protected, on the other hand, in his life and in his limbs, against the violence of all others, even the master of his labor and his liberty; and in being punishable himself for all violence committed against others, the slave is no less evidently regarded by the law as a member of the society, not as a part of the irrational creation; as a moral person, not as a mere article of property. The federal Constitution, therefore, decides with great propriety on the case of our slaves, when it views them in the mixed character of persons and of property. This is in fact their true character. It is the character bestowed on them by the laws under which they live; and it will not be denied, that these are the proper criterion; because it is only under the pretext that the laws have transformed the negroes into subjects of property, that a place is disputed them in the computation of numbers; and it is admitted, that if the laws were to restore the rights which have been taken away, the negroes could no longer be refused an equal share of representation with the other inhabitants. 'This question may be placed in another light. It is agreed on all sides, that numbers are the best scale of wealth and taxation, as they are the only proper scale of representation. Would the convention have been impartial or consistent, if they had rejected the slaves from the list of inhabitants, when the shares of representation were to be calculated, and inserted them on the lists when the tariff of contributions was to be adjusted? Could it be reasonably expected, that the Southern States would concur in a system, which considered their slaves in some degree as men, when burdens were to be imposed, but refused to consider them in the same light, when advantages were to be conferred? Might not some surprise also be expressed, that those who reproach the Southern States with the barbarous policy of considering as property a part of their human brethren, should themselves contend, that the government to which all the States are to be parties, ought to consider this unfortunate race more completely in the unnatural light of property, than the very laws of which they complain? 'It may be replied, perhaps, that slaves are not included in the estimate of representatives in any of the States possessing them. They neither vote themselves nor increase the votes of their masters. Upon what principle, then, ought they to be taken into the federal estimate of representation? In rejecting them altogether, the Constitution would, in this respect, have followed the very laws which have been appealed to as the proper guide. 'This objection is repelled by a single observation. It is a fundamental principle of the proposed Constitution, that as the aggregate number of representatives allotted to the several States is to be determined by a federal rule, founded on the aggregate number of inhabitants, so the right of choosing this allotted number in each State is to be exercised by such part of the inhabitants as the State itself may designate. The qualifications on which the right of suffrage depend are not, perhaps, the same in any two States. In some of the States the difference is very material. In every State, a certain proportion of inhabitants are deprived of this right by the constitution of the State, who will be included in the census by which the federal Constitution apportions the representatives.

In this point of view the Southern States might retort the complaint, by insisting that the principle laid down by the convention required that no regard should be had to the policy of particular States towards their own inhabitants; and consequently, that the slaves, as inhabitants, should have been admitted into the census according to their full number, in like manner with other inhabitants, who, by the policy of other States, are not admitted to all the rights of citizens. A rigorous adherence, however, to this principle, is waived by those who would be gainers by it. All that they ask is that equal moderation be shown on the other side. Let the case of the slaves be considered, as it is in truth, a peculiar one. Let the compromising expedient of the Constitution be mutually adopted, which regards them as inhabitants, but as debased by servitude below the equal level of free inhabitants, which regards the SLAVE as divested of two fifths of the MAN. 'After all, may not another ground be taken on which this article of the Constitution will admit of a still more ready defense? We have hitherto proceeded on the idea that representation related to persons only, and not at all to property. But is it a just idea?

Government is instituted no less for protection of the property, than of the persons, of individuals. The one as well as the other, therefore, may be considered as represented by those who are charged with the government. Upon this principle it is, that in several of the States, and particularly in the State of New York, one branch of the government is intended more especially to be the guardian of property, and is accordingly elected by that part of the society which is most interested in this object of government. In the federal Constitution, this policy does not prevail. The rights of property are committed into the same hands with the personal rights. Some attention ought, therefore, to be paid to property in the choice of those hands. 'For another reason, the votes allowed in the federal legislature to the people of each State, ought to bear some proportion to the comparative wealth of the States. States have not, like individuals, an influence over each other, arising from superior advantages of fortune. If the law allows an opulent citizen but a single vote in the choice of his representative, the respect and consequence which he derives from his fortunate situation very frequently guide the votes of others to the objects of his choice; and through this imperceptible channel the rights of property are conveyed into the public representation. A State possesses no such influence over other States. It is not probable that the richest State in the Confederacy will ever influence the choice of a single representative in any other State. Nor will the representatives of the larger and richer States possess any other advantage in the federal legislature, over the representatives of other States, than what may result from their superior number alone. As far, therefore, as their superior wealth and weight may justly entitle them to any advantage, it ought to be secured to them by a superior share of representation. The new Constitution is, in this respect, materially different from the existing Confederation, as well as from that of the United Netherlands, and other similar confederacies. In each of the latter, the efficacy of the federal resolutions depends on the subsequent and voluntary resolutions of the states composing the union. Hence the states, though possessing an equal vote in the public councils, have an unequal influence, corresponding with the unequal importance of these subsequent and voluntary resolutions. Under the proposed Constitution, the federal acts will take effect without the necessary intervention of the individual States. They will depend merely on the majority of votes in the federal legislature, and consequently each vote, whether proceeding from a larger or smaller State, or a State more or less wealthy or powerful, will have an equal weight and efficacy: in the same manner as the votes individually given in a State legislature, by the representatives of unequal counties or other districts, have each a precise equality of value and effect; or if there be any difference in the case, it proceeds from the difference in the personal character of the individual representative, rather than from any regard to the extent of the district from which he comes. 'Such is the reasoning which an advocate for the Southern interests might employ on this subject; and although it may appear to be a little strained in some points, yet, on the whole, I must confess that it fully reconciles me to the scale of representation which the convention have established. In one respect, the establishment of a common measure for representation and taxation will have a very salutary effect. As the accuracy of the census to be obtained by the Congress will necessarily depend, in a considerable degree on the disposition, if not on the co-operation, of the States, it is of great importance that the States should feel as little bias as possible, to swell or to reduce the amount of their numbers. Were their share of representation alone to be governed by this rule, they would have an interest in exaggerating their inhabitants. Were the rule to decide their share of taxation alone, a contrary temptation would prevail. By extending the rule to both objects, the States will have opposite interests, which will control and balance each other, and produce the requisite impartiality.

PUBLIUS. [Written by Alexander Hamilton or James Madison]"

The Constitution of the United States, Article I, Section 2, does not grant Blacks citizenship nor confer on them a status equal to that of Whites:

"Representatives and direct Taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective Numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole Number of free Persons, including those bound to Service for a Term of Years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three fifths of all other Persons."

The Unites States Supreme Court affirmed that Blacks were not citizens, that citizenship is not necessarily the same as free man, and that we have the right to define who may become a citizen and who may not. See:

U.S. Supreme Court, DRED SCOTT v. SANDFORD, 60 U.S. 393 (1856)

The jews sought to subvert this decision with the "reconstruction amendments" 13, 14 and 15. The 14th Amendment to the US Constitution ( July 9, 1868), states, among other relevant things:

"All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the state wherein they reside. No state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any state deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws."

The 15th Amendment to the Constitution of the United States of America:

"The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude."

These passages could be interpreted in the tradition of American government to mean that only those who do not infringe upon the rights of Whites to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness are to be considered "persons" for the purposes of citizenship in the United States of America, and those who as a group destroy the rights of Whites have by their actions repudiated their citizenship in our nation. The jews manufactured the Civil War as means to divide us against ourselves. After destroying White civilization in the South, the jews sought to guarantee that it would not return.

Blacks naturally migrated to places where White civilization flourished in search of a better standard of living. They moved en masse to the inner cities of the North, which they quickly rotted out to the detriment of Whites. It appears that Blacks do not function well in urban environments, perhaps because they are physiologically and psychologically more vulnerable to the ill effects of stress in an urban environment than are Whites, while benefitting from their nature in other environments. Much the same has occurred with Hispanics.

These non-Whites have infringed on the fundamental rights of Whites to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness in measurably significant and disproportionate ways. These fundamental rights include the right to sovereignty in addition to self-determination.

The POWER PARTY will define in law the requirements of citizenship, and distinguish citizenship, freedom and person with legally binding definitions which secure the rights of Whites to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.

Though I have addressed the wrongs non-Whites have done to Whites in the above article, I have made no attempt to address the wrongs Whites have done to non-Whites, which should not be misinterpreted to constitute an attempt to address those wrongs, a denial of them, or an attempt to discuss their remedy or proportion in relation to the wrongs non-Whites have done and are committing against Whites. I am instead laying down the legal foundations of Whites' rights to self-determination and sovereignty in the nation we founded to provide for those basic human rights.