Monday, March 17, 2014

Putin's KGB Crew Exposed

From Jewish Racism

Christopher Jon Bjerknes

KGB Putin's apologists in the West attempt to portray him as if he were antijew and opposed to the Jew World Order, based on the false assumption that Putin's ostentatious gay bashing and sponsorship of the Orthodox Church prove that he is deliberately working against the interests of international jewry. I have already exposed the fact that KGB Putin's gay bashing is in keeping with long standing Soviet policy, as proof that Putin perpetuates the Jew World Order Soviet Union, and that the Soviet Union only appeared to dissolve so as to fool the West into lowering its guard and giving up its secrets and monies to the Soviets:

Putin's Communist Gay Bashing and Its Antifascist Roots, March 07, 2014

In the following article, I exposed the fact that Putin is using the Orthodox Church to foment a Christian Communist church to provide the dialectical alternative to Christian Zionism and provide the basis for the growth of the Soviet Union to include Greece:

The Reds Want to Foment World War III as a Christian Communist Versus Christian Zionist Battle of the Fanatics, March 03, 2014

An article by Scott Greer in The Daily Caller provides a first hand account of the KGB's infiltration of the Orthodox Church and an assessment that Putin is using this KGB influence to expand his empire:

"'About five years ago, Pacepa was warning me about Putin. He's saying Putin is former KGB, Putin has surrounded himself with KGB people everywhere, it is now in essence an ‘intelligence agency dictatorship',' Rychlak, a professor at the University of Mississippi School of Law, told TheDC. [***] In Rychlak's opinion, Russian agencies have subverted the institutions that Eastern Ukrainians rely on for information and has caused some of them to support Putin's interests by demanding Russian annexation.

'All of their news has been filtered through Russian sources and even their church has been infiltrated. Their sources of information for at least a decade and maybe much longer than that, have been controlled,' the law professor explained. 'They have been cultivated and shaped and controlled through Moscow.'

One of the most damning accusations that Rychlak levels at Putin's security apparatus is that it has infiltrated and influenced the Russian Orthodox Church to promote the interests of the Kremlin.

'Dating back to the 1960s, the Kremlin began sending agents into the Russian Orthodox Church, and a lot of those people have filtered up to higher levels. The Russians put people into these churches, knowing they were agents, hoping they would develop into influential positions, and many of them have,' Rychlak continued. 'The church has been tainted, as other churches have been under Soviet domination.' [***] The book 'Disinformation' points out that Soviet intelligence agencies frequently worked with left-wing Westerners, such as the anti-war movement against Vietnam, to further the cause of the USSR. According to Rychlak, the current Russian government still uses the Left for that purpose, as he claims that their ideology isn't too far removed from that of the old Soviet regime.

'You still have folks around the globe, some of whom actively collaborate with the Soviet-Marxist ideology that we still see from Putin. Others who are maybe not intentionally collaborate, what you would call willing dupes, who go along with it,' the 'Disinformation' co-author said."--Scott Greer, "Former Soviet spy chief claims Putin regime is an ‘intelligence agency dictatorship'", The Daily Caller, (7 March 2014).

The above quotation makes note of the fact that numerous dissidents support KGB Putin. I have for many years been informing my readers that Ayn Rand was a Trust controlled opposition agent of the Soviet Union and that libertarians and objectivists are closet communists subverting America and promoting Putin. This book written in 1984 by a KGB insider details how the Soviets previously tried to appear weak so that they could infiltrate the West, cause the West to lower its guard, and deceive the West into believing the Soviet Union had collapsed from within when it had not:

Anatole Golitsyn, The New Lies for Old Ones

Beginning at page 291 and continuing through to page 294, Golitsyn recounts how the KGB subverted and used the Orthodox Church to turn it against the West, though it had always previously been pro-Western, and make it a tool of the communists against the West:

"A special word needs to be said on the exploitation of religion and leading churchmen in the communist world for strategic political purposes.

In November-December 1960 the Patriarch of All Russia, Aleksiy, an old KGB agent, accompanied by Metropolitan Nikodim, head of the Russian Orthodox Church's International Department, and Professor Uspenskiy of the Leningrad Faculty of Theology and an active member of the Soviet Peace Committee, toured the Middle East in an aircraft provided by the Soviet government.12 In the course of the tour Patriarch Aleksiy and the Syrian patriarch issued an official communique that stated: 'Our standpoint of Christian love compels us to condemn everything which incites hatred among peoples and impels mankind toward a new world war and to bless any attempts aimed at creating peace between peoples and nations. . . . We resolutely condemn any manifestation of colonialism as foreign to the spirit and the letter of the law of God.'13 [***] The Great Soviet Encyclopaedia recorded that by 1972 the World Council of Churches had been converted from a 'pro-Western' to a 'progressive' orientation in its policies on peace, disarmament, and related matters. Assiduous advocacy by the Christian Peace Conference and others of the view that Christianity and communism were natural allies in support of the national liberation movement induced the World Council of Churches to provide funds for African guerrilla movements, including the Rhodesian Patriotic Front, believed to be responsible for a massacre of British missionaries in 1978."

Golitsyn reveals the machinations of the "Trust" and the NEP in pages 10- 17. I will quote these passages at length, because they reveal also what Putin and his apologists are doing today, i.e. denying that the Soviet Union exists, infiltrating anticommunist movements, stealing all the West has to offer while subverting the West, only to strengthen the Soviet Union for an unprecedented comeback and rise to World dominating power:

"The pattern of disinformation used during the implementation of a long-range policy may be called the 'weakness and evolution' pattern, or the pattern of 'calculated ideological moderation.' Its aim is to calm the fears of the adversaries of international communism by understating real communist strength and to confound the policies of those adversaries by masking the realities of communist policy. When following this pattern, therefore, disinformation reflects real or imaginary weaknesses, splits, and crises in the communist world and projects an image of evolution away from an ideological toward a conventional, national system. The intention is that the nations of the noncommunist world, accepting the alleged disunity and evolution of the communist world as genuine, will fail to respond effectively to communist offensive strategy and, in their confusion, will be induced to make practical miscalculations and mistakes in their dealings with the communist world. The major role of disinformation in the weakness and evolution pattern is to conceal and misrepresent the real nature, objectives, tactics, and techniques of communist policy. [***] The weakness and evolution pattern was used successfully by Lenin in the 1920s. In 1921 Soviet Russia faced imminent collapse. Industry lay ruined by the war; agriculture was in crisis. The Russian people, disillusioned by the rigid policy of 'war communism,' were on the brink of revolt; the policy of terror was proving ineffective; there were peasant uprisings in Siberia and along the Volga; nationalist movements in the Ukraine, Georgia, Armenia, and Central Asia were openly proclaiming separatism and posed a serious threat to national unity; the sailors at the Kronstadt Naval Base revolted. Abroad, the hopes of world revolution had faded after communist defeats in Germany, Poland, and Hungary. The major European powers, although not united, were individually hostile to communism and to the new Soviet state; a huge Russian emigre movement, spread across Europe, was plotting the overthrow of the regime. Soviet Russia was in complete political and economic isolation.

It was in this situation, facing a highly unfavorable balance of power vis-a-vis the West, that Lenin conceived and launched a longrange policy that, over the following eight years, was to show spectacular success. It was given the deliberately misleading title of the New Economic Policy, or NEP. In fact, it ranged far beyond the economy, defining also the principal political and ideological objectives and tactics for the regime internally and externally and the strategy for the international communist movement. Within the terms of the NEP, the Soviet leaders were to eliminate separatism by creating a federation of national republics, the USSR. They were to introduce national long-term economic planning. They were to plan and build an electric power system to cover and bind together the whole country. They were to start to change the world balance of power in communist favor.

To the world at large, the NEP meant that foreign industrialists were offered concessions in Soviet industry and invited to open businesses in Soviet Russia; that Soviet industrial enterprises were to be reorganized as trusts and operated on a profit basis; that smaller enterprises and properties could be owned by cooperatives or private individuals; that money was back in use and private trade permitted; that restrictions on travel were relaxed; that emigres were encouraged to return under amnesty, while some Soviet citizens were allowed to emigrate; and that Soviet diplomacy was seeking peaceful coexistence with the West.

The Soviet leaders saw it differently. They intended that the NEP would not only bring about economic recovery, but would also serve to prevent internal revolt, expand foreign trade, attract foreign capital and expertise, gain diplomatic recognition from non-communist countries, prevent major conflict with the Western powers, help to exploit the contradictions in and between the capitalist countries, neutralize the emigre movement, and help to promote world revolution through the communist movement.

Lenin believed that this fundamentally aggressive and ideological policy could prove effective if it was accompanied by the systematic use of misrepresentation and deception, or, to use the current word, disinformation. The characteristics of this disinformation were an apparent moderation in communist ideology, the avoidance of references to violence in communist methods, the exaggeration of the degree of the restoration of capitalism in Soviet Russia, the use of a sober and businesslike style in diplomatic and commercial negotiations with the West, and emphasis on disarmament and peaceful coexistence. All of this was intended to induce the belief in the outside world that the communist system was weak and losing its revolutionary ardor. Left to itself, it would either disintegrate or come to terms with the capitalist system.

The Soviet security service was reorganized, renamed the OGPU, and given new political tasks. It was directed to mount disinformation and political operations. False opposition movements were set up and controlled secretly by the OGPU. They were designed to attract to their ranks genuine opponents of the regime inside and outside the country. These innocent persons could then be used by the regime in various ways. They could act as channels for disinformation; they could be blackmailed and recruited as agents; they could be arrested and given public trials. A characteristic, but not unique, example of this technique is provided by the so-called 'Trust' operation. In 1921, as the NEP was being launched, the OGPU created inside Soviet Russia a false anti-Soviet organization, the Monarchist Alliance of Central Russia. It had once been a genuine organization, founded by Czarist generals in Moscow and Leningrad but liquidated by the Soviet security service in 1919-20. Former members of this organization, among them Czarist generals and members of the old aristocracy who had come over to the Soviet side, nominally led the movement. Their new loyalty to the Soviet regime was not in doubt, for they had betrayed their former friends in the anticommunist underground. They were the Czarist generals Brusilov and Zaynchkovskiy; the Czarist military attache in Yugoslavia, General Potapov; and the Czarist transport official Yakushev. The most active agent in the Trust was a former intelligence officer of the General Staff in Czarist Russia whose many names included Opperput. Agents of the Trust traveled abroad and established confidential contact with genuine anticommunist emigre leaders in order (ostensibly) to coordinate activity against the Soviet regime. Among the important emigres they met were Boris Savinkov and Generals Wrangel and Kutepov.

These agents confided in their contacts that the anti-Soviet monarchist movement that they represented was now well established in Soviet Russia, had penetrated into the higher levels of the army, the security service, and even the government, and would in time take power and restore the monarchy. They convinced the emigre leaders that the regime had undergone a radical change. Communism had completely failed; ideology was dead; the present leaders had nothing in common with the fanatical revolutionaries of the past. They were nationalists at heart, and their regime was evolving into a moderate, national regime and might soon collapse. The NEP should be seen as the first important concession on the road to restoring capitalism in Russia. Soon political concessions would follow. Because of this, said the Trust agents, any intervention or gesture of hostility from the European powers or the emigre movements would be ill-advised, if not tragic, since it would only unite the Russian people around their government and so extend its survival. The European governments and the emigre leaders should put a stop to anti-Soviet terrorist activities and change their attitude from hostility toward the Soviet regime to one of passive acceptance. They should grant diplomatic recognition and increase trade. In this way they would have a better opportunity to contribute to the evolutionary process. The emigre leaders should return to Russia to make their contribution. Naturally there were doubters among the emigres, but the prestige of the leaders of the organization (particularly, of General Brusilov) convinced the majority. They accepted at face value the Trust's disinformation and passed it on to their influential friends in the European intelligence services. By the time it had been circulated to governments as 'secret' intelligence it sounded most impressive, and when as time went on the same story was confirmed by source after source, it became 'secret and reliable.' The intelligence services of Europe were committed and it was unthinkable that they could all be wrong.

While the Trust was thriving the OGPU took control, wholly or partially, of two other movements calculated to influence the political climate in support of the NEP. They were the 'Change of Signposts' movement and the 'Eurasian' movement. The first was used by the Soviet security service to mislead emigres and intellectuals in Europe into believing that the strength of communist ideology was on the wane and that the Soviet regime was evolving into a more moderate, national state. The movement published, with unofficial government assistance, a weekly magazine in Prague and Paris, The Change of Signposts, and in Berlin a paper, On the Eve. In 1922, at some risk, the Soviet government allowed two magazines to be published in Leningrad and Moscow, New Russia and Russia. They were intended to exert a similar influence on intellectuals inside the country.

By 1926 all publications of the Change of Signposts movement had been wound up, the movement disbanded, and some of its leaders in the Soviet Union arrested. An official Soviet publication partially confirms the exploitation of the movement and describes its end. Shortly afterward, operation Trust was terminated with the arrest of those opponents of the regime who had been unwise enough to reveal themselves as such by associating with the Trust. The NEP was officially ended by Stalin in 1929 with what was called 'a socialist offensive on all fronts.' The concessions to foreign industrialists were canceled; private enterprise in the Soviet Union was prohibited; private property was confiscated; agriculture was collectivized; repression of political opposition was intensified. The NEP might never have been.

The Results of the NEP

Agriculture, industry, and trade all improved dramatically under the NEP. Although the NEP failed to attract large credits from the West, it brought technology and efficient new equipment. Thousands of Western technicians helped to industrialize the Soviet Union, and Western firms built essential factories there. It is fair to say that the foundations of Soviet heavy and military industry were laid in the 1920s with American, British, Czechoslovak, and, after the Treaty of Rapallo (1922), German help. Germany played an especially significant role in the Soviet militarization. According to the secret clauses of the treaty, Germans helped to build modern aviation and tank factories in the USSR. Communists spoke cynically of foreign concessionaires and businessmen as 'assistants of socialism.' Longrange planning and industrialization were launched. De jure recognition of the Soviet Union by the West helped the regime to neutralize internal opposition and so to stabilize itself politically. The remnants of other political parties (Socialist Revolutionaries, Mensheviks, Zionists) were suppressed, liquidated, or exiled. The peasants were pacified. The independence of the churches was broken and new, controlled 'living churches' accepted the regime. The nationalist and separatist movements in Georgia, the Ukraine, Armenia, and the Asian republics were crushed and their nations fully incorporated into the federal union. No new organized political opposition to the regime emerged during the NEP. Regular purges of communist party membership kept ideological purity intact; a minority of members succumbed to the temptations of capitalism and were expelled. The party and security service gained experience in activist methods and in controlling contacts with the West. The security service began to exercise effective control over Soviet society.

The European bloc that it was anticipated would be formed against the Soviet Union did not materialize. De jure recognition was granted by all major countries except the USA. The Russian emigre movement was successfully penetrated, discredited, and left to disintegrate. The Treaty of Rapallo, signed with Germany in 1922 (the crowning achievement of Lenin's activist diplomacy), raised Soviet prestige, helped to increase Soviet military strength, precluded a united anticommunist front in Europe, and weakened the Weimar Republic.

Between 1921 and 1929 twelve new communist parties joined the Comintern, bringing the total to forty-six. By the use of legal tactics, communist parties increased their influence in trade unions and parliaments. Though the bid to form a united front with the Socialist Internationals failed, some socialist parties—the German, French, Spanish, and Czechoslovak—split under the influence of the communist approach; the left-wing groups joined communist parties or formed new ones. Valuable experience was gained by the Comintern in the simultaneous use of revolutionary as well as legal tactics, in its readiness to switch from the one to the other, and in its ability to coordinate with Soviet diplomacy. United front tactics were successfully used by the communists in Nationalist China. Mongolia became the first Soviet satellite.

The Lesson of the NEP

The disinformation of the NEP period had been successful. Seen through Western eyes, the threat of communism under the NEP seemed to have become diffused. Fear of Bolshevism waned. The position of anticommunists was undermined. Expectations of rapprochement were aroused. The Western public, reluctant to make sacrifices, urged their governments toward further accommodation with the Soviet regime. In reality, of course, the challenge of communism had been reinforced: Western expectations were later to be rudely shattered. But the communist strategists had learned the lesson that Western leaders could be deceived and induced to make mistakes in their assessments of, and policy toward, the Soviet Union. Disinformation had in fact created favorable conditions for the success of Soviet internal policy, activist diplomacy, and Comintern activity."

We have a right to ask, is Ron Paul KGB? Is Obama? Is Merkel?