Christopher Jon Bjerknes
In his 1917 book The Biology of War, Albert Einstein's friend Georg Friedrich Nicolai (Lewinstein) revealed the fact that jews equate Whites to cattle and feel justified in murdering Whites,
"Apart from this strange story of Cain, however, murder is forbidden in the Bible, and very sternly forbidden. But--it is only the murder of Jews. As is natural, considering the period from which it dates, the Bible is absolutely national, in character. Only the Jew is really considered as a human being; cattle and strangers might be slain without the slayer himself being slain. In this case there was a ransom. Accordingly, war was of course allowed also, and the Jews were no more illogical than the Moslem who kills the outlander. Of late years the Jews and the Old Testament have often been reproached for their contempt for those who were not Jews; and in practice even Christ acted in precisely the same way."
Nicolai (Lewinstein) maintained that it was obvious to all that the jews are a master race, superior to Whites,
"Europe, at all events, is an absolute national medley, and any one who does not consider the Jews the flower of the human race should not make such foolish assertions as that concerning the superiority of unmixed races."[ibid p. 276]
Georg Nicolai was young Ilse Einstein's lover. Else Einstein was his patient and he bed her daughter, Ilse, despite the fact that he was much older than she was. After taking her for himself, Nicolai encouraged Ilse, aged 20, to succumb to Albert Einstein's sexual advances towards her and marry him. At the time, Ilse rejected Albert's desire to fornicate with her and refused to marry him. Albert Einstein, aged 39, had already engaged in a lengthy incestuous and adulterous relationship with Ilse Einstein's mother Else, who was Albert's cousin through both his mother and his father. Having been rejected by Ilse, Albert married Else and thereby had the full "small harem" all to himself.
Einstein wrote to Max Born, in an undated letter thought to have been written sometime between 24 June 1918 and 2 August 1918,
"We are well, and the small harem eat well and are thriving."
Philipp Frank wrote,
"Einstein's wife Elsa died in 1936. [***] Of Einstein's two stepdaughters, one died after leaving Germany; the other, Margot, a talented sculptress, was divorced from her husband and now lives mostly with Einstein in Princeton."
Even this "small harem" might not have been enough for Albert Einstein. There are reasons to believe he had an affair with Elsa Einstein's sister, Paula, another of Albert Einstein's cousins. Einstein's son, Hans Albert Einstein, believed that his father was also having an affair with his secretary Helen Dukas.
Albert Einstein admitted on 23 December 1918 ,
"It is correct that I committed adultery. I have been living together with my cousin, Elsa Einstein, divorced Löwenthal, for about 4 1/2 years and have been continuing these intimate relations since then."
Dismayed, Ilse Einstein wrote to Georg Nicolai about Albert Einstein's sexual advances toward her,
"I have never wished nor felt the least desire to be close to [Albert Einstein] physically. This is otherwise in his case--recently at least.--He himself even admitted to me once how difficult it is for him to keep himself in check."
Georg Nicolai (Lewinstein) wanted to dissolve Europe into a pan-European Union with the First World War serving a pretext, and his statement declaring these internationalist views, which Albert Einstein endorsed, evinces that one of the reasons why the jews started the First World War was to dissolve European nations out of existence as if such were the only way to achieve peace, peace which can actually only be achieved when we stop the jews from instigating wars. The other primary reason why the jews instigated World War I was to wrest Palestine from the Ottoman Empire.
Georg Nicolai presented the proposition for what was to become the jews' European Union, and Albert Einstein signed on:
"A Manifesto to Europeans
Technical science and intercommunication are clearly tending to force us to recognize the fact that international relations exist, and consequently that a world-embracing civilization exists. Yet never has any previous war caused so complete an interruption of that coöperation which should exist between civilized nations. It may, of course, be that the reason why we are so profoundly impressed by this is only that we were already united by so many ties the severing of which is painful.
That such a state of things should exist must not astonish us. Nevertheless, those who care in the slightest degree for this universal world civilization are under a twofold obligation to strive for the maintenance of these principles. Those who might have been expected to care for such things, in particular men of science and art, have hitherto almost invariably confined their utterances to a hint that the present suspension of direct relations coincided with the cessation of any desire for their continuance.
Such feelings are not to be excused by any national passions. They are unworthy of what every one has hitherto understood by civilization, and it would be a misfortune indeed were they generally to prevail among persons of culture; and not only a misfortune for civilization, but, we are firmly convinced, a misfortune for the very purpose for which, after all, in the last resort all the present hell was let loose--the national existence of the different countries.
Technical achievement has made the world smaller, and to-day the countries of that large peninsula Europe seem brought as near to one another as the cities of each individual small Mediterranean peninsula used to be; and Europe--it might almost be said the world--is already one and indivisible, owing to its multitudinous associations.
Hence it must be the duty of educated and philanthropic Europeans to make, at any rate, an effort lest Europe, owing to her not being sufficiently strongly welded together, should suffer the same tragic fate as ancient Greece. Is Europe gradually to be exhausted by fratricidal war and perish?
The war raging at present will scarcely end in a victory for any one, but probably only in defeat. Consequently, it would seem that educated men in all countries not only should, but absolutely must, exert all their influence to prevent the conditions of peace being the source of future wars, and this no matter what the present uncertain issue of the conflict may be. Above all must they direct their efforts to seeing that advantage is taken of the fact that this war has thrown all European conditions, as it were, into a melting-pot, to mold Europe into one organic whole, for which both technical and intellectual conditions are ripe.
This is not the place to discuss how this new European order is to be brought about. We desire only to assert in principle that we are firmly convinced of the time having come for all Europe to be united together, in order to protect her soil, her inhabitants, and her civilization.
Believing as we do that the desire for such a state of things is latent in many minds, we are anxious that it should everywhere find expression and thus become a force; and with this end in view it seems to us before all else necessary that there should be a union of all in any way attached to European civilization; that is to say, who are what Goethe once almost prophetically called 'good Europeans.' We must never abandon hope that their collective pronouncement may be heard by some one even amidst the clash of arms, most especially if the 'good Europeans' of to-morrow include all those who are esteemed and considered as authorities by their fellow-men.
To begin with, however, it is needful that Europeans should unite, and if, as we hope, there are enough Europeans in Europe,--in other words, enough persons to whom Europe is no mere geographical term, but something which they have profoundly at heart,--then we mean to attempt to found such a union of Europeans. We ourselves wish only to give the first impulse to such a union; wherefore we ask you, should you be in agreement with us, and, like us, bent upon making the determination of Europe as widely known as possible, to send us your signature."
Albert Einstein wrote to Paul Ehrenfest on 22 March 1919, and summarized the jews' objectives in instigating the two world wars,
"[The Allied Powers] whose victory during the war I had felt would be by far the lesser evil are now proving to be only slightly the lesser evil. [***] I get most joy from the emergence of the Jewish state in Palestine. It does seem to me that our kinfolk really are more sympathetic (at least less brutal) than these horrid Europeans. Perhaps things can only improve if only the Chinese are left, who refer to all Europeans with the collective noun 'bandits.'"
Georg Nicolai believed that the Chinese and other mongoloids are superior to Europeans and will be justified in exterminating Europeans in a race war of extermination. Nicolai (Lewinstein) wrote in 1917,
"§ 34.--What a War of Extermination Means
Thus to-day the original conception of war is distorted until it has become completely reversed, simply because there is no longer anything natural about war; it is now merely a romantic reminiscence. Now, it might be, and has been said, that the benefits of war come afterward. It might be thought, however, that any one thus contemplating the remote effects of war ought seriously to reflect upon its inevitable results. That is, he ought to think out his ideas to their logical conclusions, which seems easy, but is often very difficult.
The idea of war as a factor likely to favor the selection of the fittest, and thus promote human evolution, is simple enough. War is here looked upon as representing that relentless, or rather that disinterested, justice which allows the fit to survive and destroys the unfit. Those who consider this right should act accordingly, and proceed to draw up rules accordingly. They ought to adopt the usages of war of which we read in ancient history, rules by which old men were killed and also unborn children, but not the seemingly humane (!) rules of modern times--rules which make war a farce in the sense in which a natural scientist uses the word; that is to say, cause it to promote negative selection, and thus convert it into a means of deterioration
The gulf which apparently separates the selfish human being of to-day from the humane promoter of civilization is merely apparent; and here I would recall what I have already said about struggle between animals and struggle between man and man. Both are justifiable in themselves and both can be carried on logically. Difficulties do not arise until we begin to imagine that it is allowable to carry on an animal struggle against human beings and by human methods. This is senseless, and therefore criminal; for war as waged at present can be considered only a justifiable form of struggle for existence if the nations against whom we are waging war are not looked upon as human beings, at any rate not as human beings on a level with ourselves; that is, if it is desired to carry on a war of extermination against barbarians so as to enable true humanity to find room upon and spread over the earth. No European will feel that he is justified in considering another European as a barbarian. The utmost which might be asked is whether we are not entitled to consider ourselves a superior race in comparison with certain undeveloped races, such as the Andamans or Tierra del Fuegans. What will undoubtedly occur is that these people will gradually be exterminated by the white race, though it has long been clear that it would be extremely foolish to make war upon them. They die out of themselves wherever they come in contact with whites, bloodless warfare being always more effectual than bloody.
There is only one race for which this question of racial superiority might be profoundly important--the Mongolian. I do not know who are the superior, the Mongolians or we ourselves, but I can quite understand our looking on the Mongolian race as enemies, and that, for instance, Europeans on the highest plane would not easily be induced to have a child by a Mongolian woman, at any rate not to own it. I can therefore also fully understand that we or the Mongolians might say, 'Only one of us two races can rule over the world, and we want that race to be ours.'
In this case the biologically weaker race--that is, the one which may rest assured that in ordinary course it would fall a victim to natural selection--might perhaps be justified in saying, 'As there is no chance of our getting the upper hand by natural and lawful means, we will try to take by force what nature withholds from us.' This shows very plainly that for the really strong war is superfluous; and as obviously it is generally folly for the weak, it is self-evident that, save in the rarest instances, there can be no possible object whatever in it.
Now, it is possible that one such rare instance may be afforded by the Mongolians, for, unlike all the other colored races, they seem to be in certain respects fitter than Europeans, although it is impossible to know exactly how they will be affected when once they are drawn into the vortex of modern civilization. Meantime, however, the sons of Heaven have the enormous advantage of being able to work equally well under all heavens, whether in the icy wastes of the tundras or under the burning sun of Sumatra. Apparently this is a special Mongolian peculiarity, for even primitive Teutonic peoples simply melted away under the Southern sun to which their impulse led them, and negro races get consumption if transferred to colder climates.
If all this is really the case, then the greater part of the habitable world belongs to the Mongols, and likewise the overlordship thereof; for it seems out of the question, seeing how much going to and fro there already is and how much more there is certain to be in the near future, that two races should live side by side and yet apart. They will mix, and one will prevail over the other.
But perhaps even the most humane of us all would not desire this, and therefore I can imagine our pointing with pardonable pride to our civilization, and saying that we are ready to take up arms in defense of it. You Mongols may be better than we are, we would say, but you are different. We do not want to know anything about your civilization, even supposing it to be superior; we mean to keep our own. From this point of view I can imagine a war, but then it must be really a relentless, merciless war
There are now in the world five hundred millions of us Europeans or white men originally from Europe, and a thousand millions of various colored races. I believe we have even now the technical means at our disposal for exterminating these thousand millions in the course of the next twenty years. After twenty years, however, we shall no longer be in a position to do this, as soon, that is, as China has armed her whole population, constructs her own dreadnoughts, and manufactures her own cannon and shells, as Japan is already doing.
In the ensuing twenty years, therefore, it is possible that the fate of the world will be decided once and for all, and the responsibility for this decision rests with the five hundred millions of Europeans. The Mongolians need do nothing but wait, for time and space are on their side.
At a time when the fate of so many men is hanging in the balance, Europeans may, perhaps must, be asked whether on careful consideration they mean to declare all colored races barbarians, and then begin a struggle for existence, in other, words a war of extermination, and not a ridiculous war for power, against everything non-European. When once so terrible a conception as that of such a war is grasped, then, if anything save senseless cruelty is to be the result, it also must be thought out to the end, and there would have to be a war sans trève et sans relâche
We must not spare even the child in its mother's womb, and must tolerate no bastards. Such a war would be ghastly, but there would be some object in it. It is useless to talk of the justice of a war, but in a sense this ghastliest of wars is the justest because, at any rate, 'it serves its own particular purpose.'
To me it seems at least conceivable that some such war might succeed, although I certainly do not believe this. History, indeed, proves over and over that the despair of nations fighting for their lives gives rise to strength which enables them to triumph over all technical expedients. Here, again, any attempt to interfere with the justice of history by such brutal methods might only too easily hasten the downfall of Europe. European nations, as I think, would do better to concentrate all their economic, technical, and scientific resources on increasing their internal vital energy, that is, on promoting race hygiene in every respect, and thus endeavor to become the equals and even the superiors of the Mongols
This opens up vistas of victories not purchased with blood--victories which I am profoundly convinced are within the bounds of possibility. This inextinguishable hope is due to my proud European racial instinct. I will not, and I refuse to, admit that the Mongols have in the long run greater vitality than I. I trust that the majority of Europeans think as I do, and that never shall we show the Asiatics such a sign of weakness as to draw the sword against them. Even if the European nations were faint-hearted, even if they were doubtful of ultimate peaceful victory, and if nothing seemed to stand in the way of their extermination by force, even, then I would shrink from resort to force, and I am convinced that the majority of mankind agree with me.
Every one, however, must compound with his own conscience, and should any one be anxious to proceed to victory by way of force, I will go a step further to please him. I feel that all Europeans belong to the same race, and I am proud of this. But others certainly feel this less keenly than I do, and they let their wholesome race instinct run to waste in all manner of fantastic and useless notions, such as the supposed existence of a Teutonic race.[Footnote: Cf. §§ 90-105, about race patriotism.
But there are those who believe in the Teutons, Germans, or Prussians having a right to predominate. I shall not here discuss the justification for such ideas, but those who would fain lead such small aggregates of human beings to victory must at any rate ask themselves whether they are able and, if able, also willing, to fight out this fight in the only way in which it can answer its purpose
As for Teutonism, the question is as follows: take the one hundred million Germans or, properly speaking, the twenty millions more or less pure Teutons living in various parts of Europe, most of whom will have nothing whatever to do with the conception of Teutonism. Do they believe that they can with any prospect of success embark upon a struggle against forces from fifteen to a hundred times more numerous, and do they really mean to destroy these? If they have made up their minds to this, then let them make the attempt, and they will be fighting for an idea, and for an object which is at least conceivable
We are therefore faced with the following alternative: we must either resolve to live in peace with the French, Russians, English, and whatever all their names may be, or we must wage a war of extermination upon them, a war whose purpose it is not to leave one of them alive
Whoever, therefore, decides for war is, at any rate, no fool, and has logic on his side. Nevertheless, I hope and believe that even those who most delight in war will incline toward peace when once they realize what is the inevitable alternative. But this senseless playing at war which is now devastating Europe must be the last of its kind."
Soon after Georg Friedrich Nicolai issued his call for a European Union, and stated that the mongols will be justified in exterminating the White Race, Freemason Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi made his pitch, sponsored by the jewish bankers Rothschild and Warburg, for the European Union in the hopes of breeding out the White Race through miscegenation with Africans, Middle Easterners and Asians. Coudenhove-Kalergi maintained that the jews were the master race and it was necessary to destroy the White Race to make room for jewish World rule, as I explained in my recent article, The Jewish Genocide of Europe: Kaganovich, Yagoda, Ehrenburg and Coudenhove-Kalergi
I go into Albert Einstein's genocidal anti-European racism in far greater depth in my books Mileva Einstein-Marity Einstein's Partner in Crime and ALBERT EINSTEIN The Incorrigible RACIST.
1). G. Nicolai, Die Biologie des Krieges, Betrachtungen eines deutschen Naturforschers, O. Füssli, Zürich, (1917); English translation: The Biology of War, Century Co., New York, (1918), p. 531.
2). A. Einstein to Ilse Einstein, The Collected Papers of Albert Einstein, Volume 8, Document 536, Princeton University Press, (1998); and Ilse Einstein to Georg Nikolai, The Collected Papers of Albert Einstein, Volume 8, Document 545, Princeton University Press, (1998). A. Calaprice, D. Kennefick, R. Schulmann, "Georg Nicolai", An Einstein Encyclopedia, Princeton University Press, (2015), pp.73-74. D. Overbye, "Einstein, Confused in Love and, Sometimes, Physics", The New York Times, (31 August 1999). D. Overbye, Einstein in Love: A Scientific Romance, Viking, New York, (2000), pp. 343, 404, note 22.
3). A. Einstein, English translation by I. Born in M. Born, The Born-Einstein Letters, Walker and Company, New York, (1971), p. 8.
4). P. Frank, Einstein: His Life and Times, Alfred A. Knopf, New York, (1947), p. 293.
5). R. Highfield and P. Carter, The Private Lives of Albert Einstein, St. Martin's Press, New York, (1993), p. 148.
6). P. A. Bucky, Einstein, and A. G. Weakland, "Einstein's Roving Eye", The Private Albert Einstein, Andrews and McMeel, Kansas City, (1992), pp. 127-135.
7). "Deposition in Divorce Proceedings" English translation by A. M. Hentschel, The Collected Papers of Albert Einstein, Volume 8, Document 676, Princeton University Press, (1998), p. 713. See also: M. Zackheim, Einstein's Daughter, the Search for Lieserl, Riverhead Books, Penguin Putnam, New York, (1999), pp. 78-79.
8). Ilse Einstein to Georg Nikolai, English translation by A. M. Hentschel, The Collected Papers of Albert Einstein, Volume 8, Document 545, Princeton University Press, (1998), p. 565. See also: D. Overbye, Einstein in Love: A Scientific Romance, Viking, New York, (2000), pp. 343, 404, note 22. See also: A. Einstein to Ilse Einstein, The Collected Papers of Albert Einstein, Volume 8, Document 536, Princeton University Press, (1998).
9).G. Nicolai, Die Biologie des Krieges, Betrachtungen eines deutschen Naturforschers, O. Füssli, Zürich, (1917); English translation: The Biology of War, Century Co., New York, (1918), pp. xvii-xix.
10). Letter from A. Einstein to P. Ehrenfest of 22 March 1919, English translation by A. Hentschel, The Collected Papers of Albert Einstein, Volume 9, Document 10, Princeton Univsersity Press, (2004), pp. 9-10, at 10.
11). G. Nicolai, Die Biologie des Krieges, Betrachtungen eines deutschen Naturforschers, O. Füssli, Zürich, (1917); English translation: The Biology of War, Century Co., New York, (1918), pp. 84-89.